By Paul C, Dr Adams
The 2004 US election supplied the French media and its voters with a springboard for reconceiving 'self' and 'Other'. Given its in demand competition to fresh US overseas coverage, resembling the invasion of Iraq; volley of insults and caustic comments reverberated among France and the USA, with French observers linking the Bush administration's rules to specific teams and areas in the US, to a democratic deficit, to a perceived hazard people cave in and to the necessity for a higher Europe. by way of interpreting how the French media - newspapers, tv, the net and scholarly learn - represented the election from a severe geopolitical viewpoint, this e-book presents the 1st significant in-depth learn of perspectives of the U.S. in modern overseas media.
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Extra resources for Atlantic Reverberations: French Representations of an American Presidential Election
G. Kurdish and Basque nationalism). Thus it is partly defensive and partly antagonistic. It also upholds certain foreign nations or states as examples (good or bad) to serve as guides to action. Fourth, new events interpreted through the lenses provided by past experiences are greeted with the habitual attitude of a particular nationalism, such as curiosity, fear, deﬁance, or opportunism, to list only a few of the more common nationalist attitudes. Fifth, in conjunction with these temporal, spatial, and attitudinal factors, geopolitical motifs promote certain grand ideologies: theories and principles, belief systems, and philosophies.
Here we will turn to a ﬁnal example of academic France-bashing. Robert Kagan, former Secretary of State under Ronald Reagan, published in 2002 an explanation of why the Europeans failed to properly appreciate the United States in Policy Review (Kagan 2002). 99, winter 2002–2003). What is particularly striking about Kagan’s argument brieﬂy stated above, is its assumption of a link between political culture and military power. He argues, in essence, that military power and weakness encourage two different kinds of political culture and two different political philosophies, one clear-headed, the other deluded.
Reliance on hard power does not simply threaten US supremacy, in the long run, but also generates tension that could be released catastrophically. The US’s role is unprecedented and its supremacy may itself be an inevitable threat to democracy. Nye therefore fails to recognize that the concern with soft power cannot be justiﬁed in terms of ensuring US supremacy, even a “soft” supremacy. Soft power is in fact better understood as an indirect effect of general respect for transborder democratic processes which in the long run will confer their primary beneﬁts not on any single state but on the citizens of many states, including Americans.