Barack Obama and African American Empowerment: The Rise of by Kristen Clarke, Manning Marable

By Kristen Clarke, Manning Marable

This ebook examines the evolution of black management and politics because the Civil Rights flow. It seems to be on the phenomenon of Barack Obama, from his outstanding emergence as a profitable candidate for the Illinois nation Senate to President of the us, as a part of the continuum of African American political leaders.

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Became the first black person to earn a seat on the New York City Council. By 1944, Powell had joined Congress, having easily earned the Democratic nomination that year. Powell chafed at the racism of the capital itself and prided himself on his opposition to white power. ”12 Jones, on the other hand, chose a less militant route. Quietly, J. Raymond Jones ascended the Democratic machine structure. By 1964, he was the first black to occupy the executive position in the organization. 13 From his position within Tammany Hall, Jones trained two generations of New York’s black political leadership, including Percy Sutton, Basil Patterson, David Dinkins, and Powell’s eventual successor, Charlie Rangel.

Thus, leaders lead only in the context of seeking those changes in the conditions of blacks that do not challenge system values or upset system elites. Because of their relative lack of power, Myrdal contended that accommodation was historically the “natural,” “normal,” or “realistic” relationship of black leaders to the system. Black leaders’ strategy shift from protest to accommodation since the 1960s is partly the result of their co-optation. The argument might be made that because the protests of the civil rights era produced more results than accommodation, the relatively small degree of inclusion of blacks into the system, when measured against the deteriorating conditions in the ghettos, does not justify the leadership’s embrace of accommodationist imperatives of the system.

Despite winning the Democratic primary handily and holding a sizable lead in the campaign’s initial weeks, Dinkins managed to bleed votes. Focusing on Dinkins’s personal financial history, the Giuliani campaign brought to light the fact that the Manhattan borough president had failed to pay his income taxes from 1969 to 1972. 27 Coming on the heels of Koch’s corrupt third term, some white voters were driven away by Dinkins’s dodgy finances. His own explanations for the missing taxes were unclear and when pressed, Dinkins repeatedly responded, “I haven’t committed a crime.

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